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Recent Posts
- The Diaspora can help fuel Rwanda’s Technology and Digital Ambitions – By Sean Obedih
- The (LRA) conflict: Beyond the LRA lobby & the hunt for Kony… and towards civilian protection – By Kristof Titeca
- The curious case of Africa’s Progress and the missing Millennium Development Goals – By Susana Edjang
- Confucius and the Curate’s Egg: The Morality of China in Africa – a review by Keith Somerville
- Bob Diamond, Uhuru Kenyatta and the rise of Afro-confidence: WEF 2013, Cape Town – By Richard Dowden
- Democratization and the Failure of the Sudan Peace Process – By John Young
- Mali: Which way forward? A chat with Bruce Hall, Baz Lecocq, Gregory Mann and Bruce Whitehouse
- The rise and rise of the African factivists – By Bright Simons and Jamie Drummond
- Can Britain fix Somalia? – By Abdihakim Aynte
- African oil & gas outlook 2013 (part II): analysis by region – Rolake Akinkugbe at Ecobank
- Africa’s oil and gas outlook 2013 (part 1) – By Rolake Akinkugbe at Ecobank
- REVIEW: The Fate of Sudan: The Origins and Consequences of a Flawed Peace Process – By Alex de Waal
- How ZANU-PF stays in power – By Simukai Tinhu
- Making friends in London: is a new rapprochement on Zimbabwe occurring? – By Ian Scoones
- Zimbabwe Elections Scenarios: New ICG Report Cuts Through the Political Posturing
- Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Somalia seeks lasting support from London conference – By Farah Abdulsamed
- Djibouti, Democracy and the Horn of Africa – By H.E. Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Djibouti
- Summits and stereotypes: analysing the analysis of Africa — by Jolyon Ford at Oxford Analytica
- Nigeria: After Baga, JTF lost in a maze of rocks and hard places – By Alkasim Abdulkadir
- After Borama: consensus, representation and parliament in Somaliland – new report from Africa Research Institute
- Lady in Pink: Victoire Ingabire faces her judges in appeal – By Kris Berwouts
- Angola economic briefing: high oil prices compensate for tough business environment – By Gaimin Nonyane
- Tendai Biti: Zimbabwe must stage “a legitimate and credible election” for economic recovery – By Magnus Taylor
- Making African journalism pay: sustainable democracy depends on a strong and independent media – By Yasiin Mugerwa
- Big Pharma in Africa: Weighing corporate citizenship and the bottom line – Adam Robert Green
- Somalia: rumours of Al-Shabaab’s death are greatly exaggerated – By Stig Hansen
- REVIEW: Al-Shabaab in Somalia: the history and ideology of a militant islamist group, 2005 – 2012 – By Magnus Taylor
- East African Communities Rising Against Land Acquisition – By Peter Kahare
- Tax havens and Africa: Will the G8 deal with the real issue? – By Richard Dowden
Recent Comments
- Monroe Swanson on The Diaspora can help fuel Rwanda’s Technology and Digital Ambitions – By Sean Obedih
- Tara Hutchinson on Mali: Which way forward? A chat with Bruce Hall, Baz Lecocq, Gregory Mann and Bruce Whitehouse
- mkenya on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- achola on Bob Diamond, Uhuru Kenyatta and the rise of Afro-confidence: WEF 2013, Cape Town – By Richard Dowden
- George Tregson Roberts on Making African journalism pay: sustainable democracy depends on a strong and independent media – By Yasiin Mugerwa
- Butler Z Kapumha on Zimbabwe Elections Scenarios: New ICG Report Cuts Through the Political Posturing
- Monte McMurchy on REVIEW: The Fate of Sudan: The Origins and Consequences of a Flawed Peace Process – By Alex de Waal
- Peter Higgins on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Eric Towett on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- FP on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Kim on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- akwirri on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Brendan Williams on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Danny on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Butler Z Kapumha on How ZANU-PF stays in power – By Simukai Tinhu
- John Kamau on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- The Right Can Do No Wrong « on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Simon on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Vascodagama on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
- Mama KK on Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing – By Richard Dowden
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Prosecutions
June 21, 2010
Posted by David Backer
The necessity of transitional justice in Kenya and the merits of certain institutional mechanisms in particular have been vigorously debated in this forum, as well as within the country itself. In both of these contexts, the perspectives of victims of past violence have received only modest attention. Continue reading
March 11, 2010
Posted by Okechukwu Oko
There exists in Africa a general agreement about the need for accountability, but a divergence exists as to how this could be pursued. Some countries use criminal prosecutions to address the aftermath of mass violence. Others prefer non-punitive mechanisms, like
September 18, 2009
Posted by Dr Kisiangani Emmanuel
When a Kenyan Cabinet minister suggested in early 2007 that perpetrators of corruption be pardoned if they confessed their guilt and returned the spoils, there was surprisingly little public reaction. This was perhaps taken with a pinch of salt given that Kenyan politicians are good at talking but then doing nothing. But when former anti-corruption chief John Githongo (accused by some of behaving like a drama queen and self-appointed high priest), made a similar statement in mid August 2008, his view made headlines that drew sharp reactions. Continue reading
Read the rest of Kenya’s Economic Crimes: Can a conditional Amnesty be meaningful? »
September 18, 2009
Posted by Lydiah Kemunto Bosire
This is the second of three essays on misconceptions in debates over transitional justice in Kenya. The first essay considered complementarity and the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), and argued that, if Kenya’s situation was otherwise admissible to the International Criminal Court (ICC), the TJRC in its current form is unlikely to satisfy the Court’s complementarity test. This essay considers the discussion on domestic prosecutions in Kenya. Continue reading
Read the rest of Misconceptions II – Domestic Prosecutions and the International Criminal Court »
September 8, 2009
Posted by Korir Sing Oei
From the standpoint of constitutional law, the handing over of the Waki envelope to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) represents the ceding of judicial autonomy of the state to an ‘exceptional court’. The establishment of a domestic special tribunal which supplants the supervisory jurisdiction of the High Court and strips the president and attorney general of constitutional powers and immunities has a similar effect. Continue reading
Read the rest of Leashing Kenya’s Dogs of War: A Theoretical Assessment »
July 17, 2009
Posted by Daniel Waweru
It is not often that participants in ethnic cleansing confess to it openly, but William ole Ntimama has managed it twice: in a 1996 interview, and more recently. The brazenness of the impunity is revolting: it is natural to want accountability and reform, and equally natural to think we can have both. This, unfortunately, is a bit of a farce: stable reform and calling the violent to account are incompatible. Continue reading
Read the rest of Kenya: DIY Violence is Corrosive of Nationhood »
July 17, 2009
Posted by Gabrielle Lynch
Nineteen months have passed since Kenya’s contested 2007 election, when the rapid re-inauguration of President Mwai Kibaki heralded an outburst of post-election violence – characterised by targeted attacks on ethnic ‘others’, an overzealous state security response, and retaliatory attacks on ‘aggressor’ communities – which left over 1,000 people dead and more than 350,000 displaced. The violence ended in February 2008, when a coalition government was formed, but ‘deep peace’ remains elusive and reforms unlikely. What is left is only rhetoric differentiating this administration from post-Mau Mau amnesia and investigative committees without reforms, as after the ‘ethnic clashes’ of 1991-1993. Continue reading
Read the rest of Kenya Post-2008: The calm before a storm? »
July 17, 2009
Posted by Tim Murithi
On 9 July 2009, Kofi Annan the former chief mediator in the aftermath of Kenya’s post-electoral violence, transferred an undisclosed list of senior politicians to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno-Ocampo. These politicians are alleged to have committed crimes against humanity during the post-electoral violence between December 2007 and February 2008. What prompted Annan’s actions? Continue reading
Read the rest of Kenya’s Spectre of Impunity and the Politics of the Special Tribunal »
July 17, 2009
Posted by Lydiah Kemunto Bosire
This forum offers a space where concerned Kenyans can come together with a range of experts, scholars, practitioners, and commentators to discuss fundamental questions about how Kenya got here, and the strategies necessary to move the country forward. This essay provides an overview of recent debates on violence and accountability in Kenya and summarizes the first set of contributions to this forum. Continue reading
Read the rest of Introduction-Kenya’s politics of violence and accountability »
Posted in Debate, ICC, Justice and Peace, Land, Prosecutions, Social and economic issues | No Comments »
