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Border dispute areas Lasanod, Somaliland. Produced by the Max Planck Institute. Copyright: Markus Hoehne.
Summary
At the end of December 2022, a young politician was assassinated in Lasanod. This was the most recent targeted killing in a long series of similar attacks, which had not been prevented or at least followed up and solved by the Somaliland authorities in town. In reaction, Lasanod residents started protesting against the prevailing insecurity in town. This escalated into violence when Somaliland troops controlling the place started shooting at protesters, killing some 15 persons and injuring more (mainly youngsters). The Somaliland forces eventually retreated from Lasanod in early January 2023 leaving the place self-administered. A committee was formed to discuss the future of the town. Meanwhile, the Somaliland government is amassing military forces and equipment in the surroundings of Lasanod. As of early February, it is unclear what will happen. Yet, there is a possibility that the situation will escalate into major armed conflict resulting in massive human rights violations and political implications for the whole region. If Somaliland loses Lasanod, its political claim must be readjusted. International actors and anyone interested in peace in the Horn of Africa must urgently pay attention to this seemingly “local” conflict, which, however, touches upon much more far-ranging political issues. The question is: what solution to this problem can be found that does not include armed conflict and potentially ethnic/clan-cleansing?
Assassinations and rumours
On Monday 26 December 2022, Abdifatah Abdullahi Abdi “Hadrawi”, a young party official of Somaliland’s largest opposition party Wadaani, who hails from the Dhulbahante clan dominant in the area, was assassinated in Lasanod. There has been a long series of similar assassinations of mostly Dhulbahante intellectuals and officials, often those working for the Somaliland administration that had forcibly taken over the city at the end of 2007. The assassinations began in late 2009 and continued over many years.[1] They were discontinued for some time between 2012 and 2015. In some cases, culprits were captured. Yet, the assassinations started again in 2018.[2] Over the past two years, some seven people were killed. In total, at least 40 persons fell victim to these targeted killings. Muse Bihi, President of Somaliland, recently claimed that 32 suspects related to these cases were in custody. Yet, the public in Lasanod is of a different opinion. Many stressed that the Somaliland administration had not pursued these assassinations effectively and the killers were not captured.
Three rumours about the assassinations in Lasanod stand out: first, that the killings are part of intra-Dhulbahante feuds. Yet, this seems rather improbable. Over the years, many feuds between Dhulbahante sub-clans happened, yet in those cases, everybody knew who was involved; even the killers were known. Second, that Al Shabaab are behind these killings to create insecurity in an already volatile place. This is a rumour, yet it is not implausible. In 2008, Al Shabaab attacked Somaliland with massive bombings in Hargeysa. The group rejects the independence of Somaliland. So far, it was their strategy (also in south-central Somalia) to induce unrest in an already volatile place to increase their relevance. What remains puzzling is why Al Shabaab should be clandestinely killing people for so long (over 14 years); normally, they would create unrest and then take control more quickly. The third rumour in town is that the administration in Hargeysa and its representatives in Lasanod are behind the targeted killings. The logic behind this, which is admittedly not straightforward, is that Isaaq elites in Somaliland do not want the Dhulbahante to integrate. They want to keep power and government to themselves but need the Dhulbahante territory to underline their claim to independent statehood. Moreover, some would add that the assassinations of prominent Dhulbahante are a form of late revenge of “Isaaq” against Dhulbahante, as the latter historically supported the Somali dictatorship against the Isaaq guerillas until 1991. Another conspiracy theory, that is not mentioned in Lasanod, but a regional specialist mentioned in oral debate, concerns Ethiopia and its interests in keeping Somali polities weak. Given that Somaliland has gained stability and economic strength and since 2015 has become an important partner of Ethiopia related to the Berbera corridor (importing and exporting goods to/from Ethiopia via the harbour of Berbera in Somaliland), creating insecurity in Lasanod could be a strategy by the government in Addis Ababa to weaken Somaliland. Ethiopia could have used paid assassins.
What is certain is that the lack of clarity and absence of information around who was driving the assignation campaigns induced insecurity in the area, creating tensions between residents of Lasanod and the Somaliland administration.
Reactions: upheaval in town
The feeling of insecurity and the frustration of many town dwellers with some Somaliland officials (Isaaq by clan) including the governor of the Sool region motivated locals to stage demonstrations in late December 2022, triggered by the most recent assassination of Abdifatah “Hadraawi”. Demonstrations continued for several days. The situation became chaotic when youngsters were throwing stones at Somaliland forces deployed to control the town. On several occasions, the soldiers opened fire, killing 10-15 people and injuring many more (mostly young men and women).[3] On Wednesday 3 January 2023, a local trader was shot by Somaliland forces patrolling the town; he was armed to guard his business and in the context of disarming him, he was killed. This provoked considerable outrage among his close relatives, who took to arms and attacked the Somaliland army in town, which one day later, on 4 January, withdrew to positions outside of Lasanod to prevent further bloodshed.
In reaction, many locals started celebrating their “freedom” from Somaliland’s “occupation” and began waving the “blue flag” of Somalia in town (and on social media) to demonstrate their support for a united Somalia against the secession that formed the Republic of Somaliland (unilaterally declared in 1991). This provoked angry political reactions by Somaliland authorities, who reiterated that Lasanod is part of Somaliland.
The pretext
What makes the local crisis potentially important beyond the context of Lasanod or the Sool region is that for decades, Dhulbahante in the area around Buuhoodle (in Togdheer region) in much of Sool region and in parts of Sanaag region have stressed that they do not support Somaliland’s independence as a state. On the one hand, Dhulbahante clan leaders, together with elders from all other clans in the northwest and with representatives of the Somali National Movement (SNM), met in Bur’o in May 1991 to discuss the peace and decide about the political future of the region. Dhulbahante leaders finally also signed the agreement that contained the declaration of independence of Somaliland, in line with the boundaries of the former British Protectorate of Somaliland. This meant that Lasanod was included. On the other hand, many Dhulbahante early on distanced themselves from Somaliland as political project. In 1993 they set up their own clan administration in their areas. In 1998 they supported the establishment of Puntland, an autonomous regional state that challenges Somaliland’s claims to the regions of Sool, Sanaag and the areas around Buuhodle. Puntland took control of Lasanod in 2003, but was chased away by Somaliland forces (in cooperation with some Dhulbahante militias) at the end of 2007. Subsequently, however, Dhulbahante set up their own counter-administrations and militias, which were first called Sool, Sanaag iyo Cayn (2009–12) and then renamed as Khaatumo State of Somalia (2012–15).
In the past years, particularly after 2015, the administration of Somaliland in Dhulbahante areas, including Lasanod, gained some acceptance. New government infrastructure was built (this had started moderately already in 2010), with the Dhulbahante diaspora investing in the local economy, particularly in education and health care in the urban centres. Yet, all this did not convince the majority of the clan members to full-heartedly support the independence of Somaliland. The enthusiasm of Dhulbahante to engage in Somaliland politics was also hampered by the fact that from 2010, politics in Somaliland became increasingly clan-based. Central positions in the political parties and the administrations went predominantly to the Isaaq, even beyond their demographic share, which is around two-thirds of the overall population. The political narrative in Somaliland’s centres (Hargeysa, Berbera, Bur’o) reflected this favouritism, exclusively featuring Isaaq history as the “history of the state”. This included the British colonial history celebrated by many Isaaq today, featuring prominently the anti-regime struggle in the 1980s plus the suffering of civilians at the hand of the Somali army until 1991. This, however, is partly diametrically opposed to how non-Isaaq, especially Dhulbahante, prefer to narrate their political history.[4]
The current situation
After the demonstrations and shootings in Lasanod in early January, many families left the city. They took refuge with relatives in the countryside or went as far as Garowe or Galkayo in Puntland. Those who made it to the countryside face dire living circumstances since it is currently dry season (Somali: jilal). This means there is already a lack of water and food in the countryside, which is now aggravated by the refugees. Still, a considerable civilian population (more male than female, more young than old people) remain in town. Many have taken up small arms and demonstrated their willingness to defend their place against a potential attack by Somaliland forces. For a month now (as of early February), Lasanod is not controlled by Somaliland any more. There are, however, Dhulbahante soldiers in town who officially work for Somaliland, under the command of several local officers, the most senior of which is Mahad Ambashe (from the sub-clan Jama Siyad/Reer Warsame).
In mid-January, several high-ranking ministers of Somaliland, including the interior minister, Mohamed Kaahin (Isaaq/Habar Je’lo) and the commander in chief of the Somaliland army, Nuuh Tani (Isaaq/Habar Awal) came to Lasanod to monitor the situation. They took residence in Hamdi Hotel in the east part of the town, guarded by their own forces. Yet, they did not engage in visible talks with the majority of the population or their (traditional) leaders. Images being broadcasted from Lasanod at that time featured the Somali flag, which soon was also hoisted in other places in Dhulbahante-land, including the small towns of Hudun and Taleh. The situation in town remains calm.
In the second half of January, all 13 of the highest traditional leaders (Somali sing.: isim, pl. isimo) of Dhulbahante plus one of the Fiqishini[5] clan have come to town. Except for one, Garad Jama Garad Ismail (Jama Siyad), they had spent the past years since the 2007 capture of Lasanod by Somaliland troops outside of town – either in the countryside close to their respective sub-clans or in Garowe, the capital of neighbouring Puntland (some 140 kilometres east of Lasanod). The clan leaders were welcomed by all inhabitants. Moreover, a committee of 33 senior inhabitants representing the various branches of Dhulbahante and Fiqishini was established to lead consultations. The clan leaders, elders, religious leaders, business-people and intellectuals of Lasanod are involved in these consultations that officially began on Saturday 28 January 2023 and are expected to lead to a decision on the way forward for Dhulbahante in the coming days.
On 30 January, President Muse Bihi’s widely broadcasted speech before the government blamed “terrorists” for the unrest in Lasanod. This was received with contempt by the traditional leaders in Lasanod. They blame the Somaliland administration for the insecurity in town. For them, the reference to terrorists, which clearly hints at Al Shabaab, is a strategy to discredit the political movement among Dhulbahante which expresses its allegiance to Somalia (rejecting Somaliland’s secession). Meanwhile, Somaliland supporters in their public statements try to present what is currently happening in Lasanod (and some other places in Dhulbahante-land) as irrelevant, as an expression of a minority-position or as an upheaval produced by foreign or terrorist elements. Yet, against the backdrop of the long history of the majority of Dhulbahante rejecting Somaliland’s independence, the “blue revolution” (i.e., waving the flag of Somalia) is more credible than Somalilanders wish to accept.
Already in late December, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, the president of Somalia, voiced his concern about the killing of civilian demonstrators in Lasanod. Yet, the Somali government in Mogadishu is not in a position to intervene. It is involved in battling Al Shabaab in central Somalia and has no power to take a stance in the north, where Somaliland established its de facto independence long ago. The governments in Hargeysa and Mogadishu are supposed to hold talks on their future relations. These talks are currently on hold, not least because of the concern of Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud with Al Shabaab. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) held a meeting in Mogadishu on 1 February 2023 to discuss joint efforts to defeat Al Shabaab (and prevent its fighters from infiltrating neighbouring countries). In this context, news emerged that Ismail Omar Gelle, President of Djubouti, offered his services as mediator between the Dhulbahante leaders and the government of Somaliland. Yet, on 2 February, the spokesperson of the committee in charge of internal discussions in Lasanod, Chief ASqil Abdirisaq hassan Falaluug, rejected this mediation offer. He expressed the position of the committee and the clan leaders that negotiations could only begin after Somaliland forces withdrew from all Dhulbahante areas.
Different forms of governance: traditional versus state rule
The complex situation in Lasanod illustrates two different systems of political order in place. In the centre, mainly in the Isaaq-inhabited areas between Hargeysa, Berbera and Bur’o, the state administration had grown into an effective factor of ordering ordinary people’s lives. Police, judges at government courts and other government officials are regulating the daily affairs of many citizens. The state is considered legitimate in these areas. Yet, in the Dhulbahante and Wrasangeli inhabited lands in Sool, Sanaag and around Buuhoodle, the Somaliland state (or any other state, for that matter) has not taken root over the past 30 years (since the collapse of Somalia in 1991). People there are used to self-governance, which is administered by local traditional authorities, clan leaders and sheikhs. The logic of political conduct is quite different between state and clan-governance. In the Dulbahante lands, the elders and clan leaders enjoy more respect than ministers or military generals.[6] Hence, the difficulties of the Somaliland ministers sent to Lasanod in mid-January to reach out to the people and to steer the political process in town with any degree of success. This means that the government in Hargeysa and the leaders of the people in Lasanod currently, and will in the near future, talk past each other. The logic of Hargeysa is: Lasanod is in our state-territory, we have to control it (since we are the Government). The logic of the people in Lasanod is: we are a clan that mainly opposes Somaliland, we follow our elders, and isimo, the Somaliland administration, should respect our wish to self-governance. It is hard to imagine a compromise at the moment.
Threat of large-scale violence
The current situation, because all sides are talking past each other, bears a high risk of further escalation into large-scale violence. All sides have been amassing arms over the past weeks. The government in Hargeysa already had stationed considerable parts of its army including heavy armoury and tanks in the area. In the past weeks, reports and video-footage circulated in various media outlets that Somaliland is reinforcing its troops near Lasanod. While it is difficult to state how many soldiers exactly are positioned near Lasanod, it is safe to assume that they number several thousand. More tanks and technicals (pick-up trucks with heavy machine guns mounted on top) have been brought to the area in recent days. On the other side, Dhulbahante as a clan seek to increase their defensive power. It is hard to know how many and what type of weapons exactly are in the hands of clan members should Somaliland attack. It is reported that through areas south of Lasanod, not controlled by Somaliland, a considerable amount of small arms, but also some technical and heavy machine guns, have been brought into town. Besides, Lasanod residents have never been disarmed by the Somaliland administration. Thus, small arms have already been around before the current crisis. In case fighting between the Somaliland army and Dhulbahante organized as clan-militias would start, what would happen is unpredictable – except that there would likely be a high number of casualties, including, likely, civilians who are still in Lasanod.
There is also a possibility that, should the fighting continue over days and should Dhulbahante loose many men, neighbouring clans who are related to Dhulbahante, such as Warsangeli (in eastern Sanaag), Majeerteen (in Puntland) or others might try to assist Dhulbahante, which would lead to further instability in the wider region and a higher number of casualties. It is unlikely that Puntland will directly get involved, since the government in Garowe is not prepared for a fully-fledged military confrontation with Somaliland forces. Moreover, such an escalation of violence would destabilize the whole of northern Somalia. Should a military build-up become visible on the side of Puntland it could provoke Ethiopia’s political interference. Ethiopia, currently weakened by internal conflicts, is still a regional super-power and has considerable influence in Hargeysa, Garowe and Mogadishu. Nonetheless, there is a possibility that Ahmed Karash, vice-president of Puntland and Dhulbahante/Naleye Ahmed, will clandestinely send considerable military support from Puntland or through his private channels. His sub-clan has positioned a considerable number of technicals in the area east of Tukarak, an important control-post along the tarmac road half-way between Lasanod and Garowe.
Horn of Africa region borders. Produced by MapGrafix, London. Copyright: Markus Hoehne.
At the moment, there is a deadlock between many Dhulbahante, especially those in Lasanod, and the Somaliland administration. The committee in charge of internal negotiations among Dhulbahante (including the clan leaders and others) will soon publish its findings, which most likely will be presented as “the will of the people”. The danger is that a “maximal demand” from a Dhulbahante point of view could be requesting Somali forces to vacate Dhulbahante-lands, which many locals in Lasanod consider as “occupied” by Somaliland. In reaction, the risk is that Somaliland refuses and thus violence erupts is high. Muse Bihi is himself under pressure. He faces stiff opposition from Wadaani, the opposition party that controls the House of Representatives in the parliament. To stabilize his rule, he has to play the “Somaliland nationalist” card making it very unlikely that Hargeysa would react positively to demands coming from community representatives in Lasanod to withdraw its army further to the west.
Ways forward
On Monday 6 February 2023, fighting erupted in the east part of Lasanod, around Hotel Hamdi. Somaliland forces and local militias are shooting at each other. Somaliland reportedly used heavy weapons. The number of casualties is not known. The situation is escalating. The most important question at the moment is how further violence can be prevented. There are many civilians in Lasanod. Ongoing fighting between Dhulbahante forces and the Somaliland army will almost certainly produce a high number of civilian casualties, including women and children who are still in Lasanod. Moreover, a military confrontation will likely lead to considerable destruction of property and will produce thousands if not tens of thousands refugees from Lasanod and the surroundings. Besides, fighting will produce more refugees and a considerable humanitarian crisis in the middle of the drought season. In the mid-term, the escalation of violence will result in the lasting disruption of relations between Dhulbahante and the government in Hargeysa. It is hard to imagine how, after many more casualties, a relationship of trust and cooperation could be established between the two sides again. This would mean that Somaliland would have even more problems to stabilize its rule in the eastern territories, where Dhulbahante but also Warsangeli reside, who are related to the common ancestor named Harti. If Hargeysa does not plan an “ethnic/clan-cleansing” campaign, it must negotiate with those opposing its rule in the east.
External actors, including representatives of the United Nations and diplomats from countries cooperating closely in some regards with the governments of Somaliland and Puntland should use their influence, particularly in Hargeysa, to demand a peaceful solution to the current crisis. In fact, it would be very helpful if Somaliland forces could withdraw to some degree and leave Dhulbahante until tensions subside. After some time, it is likely that Dhulbahante, who are economically not self-sufficient and are dependent on trade with the east and the west (along the tarmac road which is mainly controlled by Somaliland) will realize that a radical stand on political autonomy is not viable. This would then open new avenues to begin talks between the Somaliland administration and Dhulbahante. It should also be clear that there will not be an easy solution to the misunderstanding between both sides. Both have developed in very different political directions since the early 1990s. In the long run, a well prepared referendum in eastern Somaliland over the question of Somalia versus Somaliland could be an option to allow for international recognition of Somaliland with or without the Dhulbahante (and Warsangeli) areas included.
End Notes
[1] Hoehne, Markus V., 2015, Between Somaliland and Puntland: Marginalization, Militarization and Conflicting Political Visions, Rift Valley Institute, pp. 98–99.
[2]Telephone interview with resident of Lasanod.
[3]Telephone interview with a health worker at Lasanod hospital, 25 January 2023.
[4]For more details, see Hoehne, Markus V., 2011, “Political Orientations and Repertoires of Identification: State and Identity Formation in Northern Somalia”. PhD Dissertation, Martin-Luther Universität Halle-Wittenberg, chapter 8.
[5]The Fiqishini are originally a sub-clan belonging to the Hawiye/Habar Gedir clan residing mainly in central Somalia. Yet, they moved to the north and were integrated as “guests” into the Dhulbahante clans some centuries ago.
[6]Hoehne, Markus V., 2018, “One country, two systems: Hybrid Political Orders (HPOs) and legal and political friction in Somaliland”, in Olaf Zenker and Markus Virgil Hoehne (eds), The State and the Paradox of Customary Law in Africa. London: Routledge, pp. 184–212.
It is disservice to the work of journalism to call it a border dispute. it is an attack by a tribe on the inhabitants of the region. The people of SSC are defending their tribal land against the invaders from hargiesa. it is illegal and a war crime. No country recognizes the Somaliland claims of the SSC region as Somaliland is part of Somalia under international law.
Utter nonsense. This author is not impartial in his analysis and largely biased to one side of this conflict. He failed to mention his conflict of interest due to his marriage to Dhulbahante, the clan waging war against Somaliland independence.
Secondly he blatantly declares only isaaq inhabited cities are in state control. Ignoring cities like Borama, Saylac and Erigavo, which are inhabited by non isaaqs and where Somaliland government is fully functional.
Too much biased and with error riddled masqueraded as pseudo intellectual article. I am surprised this got past editorial and ethical check at African arguments.
Not surprisingly another white man is meddling in local African issues with his prejudiced narrative designed to create more mayhem and destruction!
The Article is generally informative with some short comings. Let me therefore clarity that the Fiqishini live side by side with their Dhulbahante brothers and sisters. While I am not sure what the authors means by that the Fiqishini integrated with the Dhulbahante.
The Fiqishini certainly live and and peacefully coexist with their Dhulbahante comrades with their own identity and history without necessary categorized as part of the Dhulbahante. The Fiqishini is part of the larger community in the region and contribute in the development, socially and economically in the areas of the region that they reside.
This is the very truth on the ground, glad you too far to side with any part as the usual media did, well articulated and truth-based piece of writing.
I agree most of what he said, nobody on earth can get all the words that can cover the conflict and satisfy everybody. Dhulbahante supported the late dictator Siad Barre, more than even Marehan was, when Siad Barre’s regime collapsed, Dhulbahante exchanged to support Somaliland against revenge and imminent inhilation, if that agreement is abandoned than the region may go back to 1991 and the barrel of the gun will decide.
How come the Isaac’s who live in Ethiopian Somali region accept Mr Mustafa Cagjar their leader and Lascanod not accepting Isaaq leader on their helm. It’s all the borders that had been made by Europeans.
This analysis by Markus is insightful and highlights the legacy former dictator Siyad Barre in northern Somalia. The people of SSC were never supportive of Somaliland, and now they are considered victims of its aggression. The Dhulbahante are aware of their role in supporting the dictatorship and the crimes committed during its reign. Unfortunately, the conflict in Las Anod is likely to lead to another phase of the Somali civil war, which some predict will last for 40 more years and result in further conflict and displacement. The war presents an opportunity for Al-Shabaab, who have recently weakened, to gain ground as the Federal Republic and local militias focus on the conflict. The slow response by President Hassan, a Hawiye, to the conflict in Las Anod is seen by some as a cautionary move to avoid destabilizing the ethnic composition of his government. The outcome and consequences of the Dhulbahante’s eventual control over their territory is certain but at what cost?
The information given by the Author is mostly correct except the omission of the very likely involvement of terrorism in the assassinations against a number of people loyal to Somaliland. The claim that the Somaliland government is responsible for killing people like Hadrawi who belonged to one of Somaliland’s political parties doesn’t hold water.
Somaliland should consider Laas Canood to go on its own rather than have it underming its pursuit of international recognition. The Dulbahante that want to integrate with Somaliland should be allowed to do so. However, claims by their garaads to have Sanaag or “SSC” is sheer incitement and will lead to further bloodshed. It opens another pandora box; what will be the fate of millions if Isaaqs and pro-Somalinders in the east?
No one can predict where the claim of neo-darood-based borders of Puntland and SSC will end. There is no doubt that any attempt that redefines current borders (pre-independence borders) will open pandora’s box of similar clan-based or race-based claims in the region.
Somaliland was granted its independence by the British colonial administration and duly incorporated into the UN sovereign states..recognition means the world body took into cognisance the existing borders of Somaliland republic
Now that Somaliland has regained its statehood it has no reason whatsoever to cede any part of its land to any clan whatsoever that does not want to pledge allegiance to Somaliland republic..
That is the bare minimum of facts that the world should concur with..
The genocide that was planned and executed by these same conglomeration of clans against Somaliland people was virtually ignored by the world in late 80s..I bet similar plans are in motion to extinguish lives and hopes of somalilanders who have arduously and painfully built up a functioning democratic society albeit with no help from outside..
It should be a concern to the western world who propagate democratic ideals as of paramount importance to be championed and protected worldwide to actually turn a blind eye and witness a potential end of democratic society in a region that greatly needed democracy to thrive..
An end to a Somaliland peaceful structure will have massive repercussions in the stability of the whole north and give Russia and China an entry point to infiltrate and further their supremacy warfare with the west…
Fantastic article.
Somaliland are thugs parading like they have a real country.
THEY ARE PARTAKING GENOCIDE OF THE DAROD CLAN IN THE SOOL SANAAG CAYN REGIONS OF *SOMALIA*.
SOMALILAND = SNM = TRIBE ARMY/REGION
SSC = FORIEGN CLAN WHO ARE ALIGNED TO UNITY AND BLUE FLAG
*** IT IS VERY SIMPLE *** IF A CLAN DOES NOT WANT TO SUBSCRIBE TO BLASPHEMY LIKE SUCCESSION JUST WALK AWAY AND DO NOT ACT LIKE SAID BARRE DICTATOR MURDERING CIVILIANS AND SHELLING LAS ANOD A FORIEGN CITY ***
“Garad Jama” This is a scholarly objective article albeit it’s demerits, that’s being deciphered on merit. Calling Isaaqs “thugs” and Somaliland “no country” is hopelessly disingenuous. A country is a geographical expression that exists in physical terms and Somaliland can be proven empirically; “SSC” is an imaginary political entity that can’t be ascertained anywhere.
I wish Dulbahantes well and hopes they are not harmed by the maverick pursuit of their garads, who need to adopt the wisdom of the late Prof Ali Galaydh.
Residents of SSC fought very hard to defend freedom whilst majority of residents of Northern Regions volunteered to be “Subjects of United Kingdom”. When we gained independence in 1960, the elites of Hargeisa & Buroa rushed to Mogadishu with no plan.
In 1991 headless mobs concluded to Breakaway from the ashes of the Somali Nation with an agenda of “self-hate” instead of well thought vision. Currently, knuckleheads have the audacity to glorify reducing Somali Nation to “Failed State”.
Regarding current situation in SSC Regions, premeditated and targeted assassinations in Lasanod is compounded by cold blooded killing of the unarmed peaceful demonstrators in the streets of Lasanod are painful experiences that has gone to record of Somaliland leaders which is translated SSC people are too proud accept “us” to lead. Amazingly, the idiots indiscriminately shelling Lasanod City and hitting civilians, Hospitals, Mosques, homes, etc is trying to “fool” rest of the world instead understanding they are preparing their “deathbed” by hitters my the last nail on the Coffin of the aspiration of Breakaway State called Somaliland!
If Democratic peace loving “Somaliland Republic” supporters are in the business of articulating justification of the shallow clannish agendas of Breakaway Somaliland, I see no good to reason with them.
Las anod region in boundary long time so we are somaliland government we ready negotiate and to remove torrorism organisation which inter lasanod
The author fails to mention that current Somaliland regime is ran by Kulmiye party (Habar Awal & Habar jeclo) alliance. They have been running the show for the good part of 15 years, yet there has been significant improvement of healthcare, transport or education in Somaliland. Their primary focus is their own clans and lacing their own pockets.
Author also failed to mention that Muse Bihi is a tyrant who has forcefully extended his term refusing to conduct end of 5 year term elections. Regardless of protests across Somaliland he is truly becoming a dictator.
Waddani party is the only solution to this mayhem created by clan grudges, Muse Bihi has neglected the east favouring his native Gabiley, his clan (habar awal) populated Hargeisa and Berbera.
Habr Yuni also occupy eastern somaliland and have been neglected/mistreated alongside dhulbante and warsengeli however do not want to ruin 32 years of striving for bloodshed.
Muse Bihi must resign to avoid all out civil war which just setback the Somaliland on the world political stage.
Moreover Somaliland need to rid all their clan elders from the government, the reason Somalia will never develop from their civil war 30 years ago is because lack of education amongst their people. The elders holding clan grudges from decades ago then brainwashing the young and using them as pawns to carry out their dirty work.
Their must be a youth uprising most the population are youth yet the they have no voice or no education, they are being led by warlords with zero empathy nor high education. BIIHI OUT!
This is absolutely full of rumours. The autor’s debate is definitely based on a tribal perspective as he’s ignoring the reality that the Alshabab terrorits are pouring into Lasanod. Alshabab failed, many times, carrying out suiside blasts in Somaliland thanks to it’s people, who are very intelligent and honest for working with their government. As there has been a deep atrocity among the Dulbahante sub-clans since the Mad Molah, a religious leader, whom they were his solders.
The regions they claim are inhabited with other tribes suchas Habar Jelo, Habar Yonis and Warsangali. These tribes are now muted with surprise and not ready to be part the conflict. Their elders had already called the two sides to keep the peace and stability which have been for over 30 years in Somaliland.
What’smore, the Somaliland intelligence proved that terrorist fighters, who came in the name of Dulmahante, are in the city. They are fully armed with different weapons and vehicles along with Puntland solders, Somali-Ethiopian solders and other Darod clans. The civil people in the city felled the first and second day to different directions after they had seen numerous armed militias who are ready for attacking the militery camps in the outskirt of the city.
The government in which Dulmahante has the highest positions, and it’s militery, in which Dulmahante has it’s shares, know the responsibility towards their civilian. Therefore, they are forced saving their people, but will not allow terrorits to settle in Lasanod.
The Dulbahante will never accept Somalia to be broken up. They fight for a unified Somalia and will kill their way to Hargeisa if they have to. Hargeisa is currently a sick man as 75% of the Somaliland people wish at least this current administration expunged, once the Dulbahante destroy the Muse militia forces near las-anod and move close to Isaq territories, there will be infighting within Isaq clan and a broken up Somaliland will inch closer to regional statelets like the rest of federated Somalia.
The article seems to be biased and reflects one sided page of the real situation. The map also mixed up clan distribution, possibly exaggerated density for #Harti (Warsangali and Dhulbahante). Thus @Markus might have higher tendency of covering the Isaaq population density covering more than 85% of Sanaag region and 35% of Sool regions. While Fiqishini and Dhulbahante makes 25% and 40% respectively. Making it the article version of his “Between Somaliland and Puntland”. Favoring SSC with such a very low and weak explanations and inaccurate population and village distribution administrative map shows, that Markus has to go back to Sool, Sanaag and Togdheer (Buhoodle), SST. Because there’s no cayn administrative border at all.
lies.. isaaq claiming land that isnt theres lol.. hwy not claim all of East Africa?!!
this is well articulated and very informative article about the crises that recently erupted in northern somali, tnx Mr markus Virgil
In May 1991. Traditional clan elders from all regions of Somaliland consisting of Isaaq, Gadabuurisi, Essa, and Harti (Dhulbahante and Warsangari) signed declaration of Somaliland’s re-independence at Burco town. The clan elders formed a Guurti council tasked to resolve legacies inherited from ousted Military region of then Somalia as well to spearhead forming an independent state by the name of the Republic of Somaliland, separate from the Somalia which they have united with them in 1960 to form greater Somalia that included Somalis in Northern District of Kenya, Eastern region of Ethiopia and Djibouti at that time under French colony.
In 1993, Somaliland government structure was formed giving shares to clans in the parliament seats, judiciary and executive organs as well as regional governance positions. The Harti (Dhulbahante and Warsangari) took speaker of parliament and vice speaker of the parliament (lower House of Representatives) and had shares in Guurti (upper house of parliament) and in cabinet positions. Isaaq clan took the president and Gadabouts as vice president while Eisa clan had the second speaker of Parliament.
Garaad Jamac didn’t follow the legacy of his father. traditional elders were known for peace making and peace building. in the Somali history there is no traditional elder declared a war
Tribolism are extremely in somali they should eradicate their previous ideology they must be maintain humanitarian only
The Map you indicated on your article is completely incorrect and fake news. In order your article become viable and attractive to the audience it shouldn’t be listening to a Group called Daarood. Who their main agenda is to create false narratives and fabricated news. Please revisit your article correct your mistakes by contacting Somali Intellectual and stack holders. Do not use the fabricated Map.