African Arguments

Top Menu

  • About Us
  • Write for us
  • Contact us
  • Advertise
  • Newsletter
  • RSS feed
  • Donate

Main Menu

  • Home
  • Country
    • Central
      • Cameroon
      • Central African Republic
      • Chad
      • Congo-Brazzaville
      • Congo-Kinshasa
      • Equatorial Guinea
      • Gabon
    • East
      • Burundi
      • Comoros
      • Dijbouti
      • Eritrea
      • Ethiopia
      • Kenya
      • Rwanda
      • Seychelles
      • Somalia
      • South Sudan
      • Sudan
      • Tanzania
      • Uganda
      • Red Sea
    • North
      • Algeria
      • Egypt
      • Libya
      • Morocco
      • Tunisia
      • Western Sahara
    • Southern
      • Angola
      • Botswana
      • Lesotho
      • Madagascar
      • Malawi
      • Mauritius
      • Mozambique
      • Namibia
      • South Africa
      • Swaziland
      • Zambia
      • Zimbabwe
    • West
      • Benin
      • Burkina Faso
      • Cape Verde
      • Côte d’Ivoire
      • The Gambia
      • Ghana
      • Guinea
      • Guinea Bissau
      • Liberia
      • Mali
      • Mauritania
      • Niger
      • Nigeria
      • São Tomé and Príncipe
      • Senegal
      • Sierra Leone
      • Togo
  • Politics
    • Elections Map
  • Economy
  • Society
  • Culture
  • #EndSARS
  • Specials
    • Covid-19
    • Travelling While African
    • From the wit-hole countries…
    • Living in Translation
    • Red Sea
    • Beautiful Game
  • Debating Ideas
  • About Us
  • Write for us
  • Contact us
  • Advertise
  • Newsletter
  • RSS feed
  • Donate

logo

African Arguments

  • Home
  • Country
    • Central
      • Cameroon
      • Central African Republic
      • Chad
      • Congo-Brazzaville
      • Congo-Kinshasa
      • Equatorial Guinea
      • Gabon
    • East
      • Burundi
      • Comoros
      • Dijbouti
      • Eritrea
      • Ethiopia
      • Kenya
      • Rwanda
      • Seychelles
      • Somalia
      • South Sudan
      • Sudan
      • Tanzania
      • Uganda
      • Red Sea
    • North
      • Algeria
      • Egypt
      • Libya
      • Morocco
      • Tunisia
      • Western Sahara
    • Southern
      • Angola
      • Botswana
      • Lesotho
      • Madagascar
      • Malawi
      • Mauritius
      • Mozambique
      • Namibia
      • South Africa
      • Swaziland
      • Zambia
      • Zimbabwe
    • West
      • Benin
      • Burkina Faso
      • Cape Verde
      • Côte d’Ivoire
      • The Gambia
      • Ghana
      • Guinea
      • Guinea Bissau
      • Liberia
      • Mali
      • Mauritania
      • Niger
      • Nigeria
      • São Tomé and Príncipe
      • Senegal
      • Sierra Leone
      • Togo
  • Politics
    • Elections Map
  • Economy
  • Society
  • Culture
  • #EndSARS
  • Specials
    • Covid-19
    • Travelling While African
    • From the wit-hole countries…
    • Living in Translation
    • Red Sea
    • Beautiful Game
  • Debating Ideas
Politics

Tragedy in Darfur

By admin
August 14, 2007
1221
3
Share:

Posted on behalf of an anonymous contributor. (In exceptional cases, this blog will post unsigned contributions, when an individual has good strong reasons not to be identified.)

There have been several opinion pieces this summer that have referred to genocide in Darfur as tragedy. Eric Reeves wrote on June 3, 2007 in the Washington Post comparing Darfur to the final scene in William Shakespeare’s King Lear. Reeves wrote: ""¦I have over the past four years found in Darfur‘s agony an overwhelming reality, one that remorselessly forces the only questions that seem to matter. Will the world do anything except posture and bluff? Or will the denouement of Darfur‘s tragedy be catastrophe." In a July 16, 2007 op-ed column, the New York Times’ Nick Kristof profiles Roger Winter, a Bush Administration "whistle blower" on the genocide in Darfur. Kristof quotes Winter: "Where we have gotten to with Darfur is a tragedy."

As Michael Gerson — a former Bush administration speech writer who somehow hasn’t found the strength to examine the greater numbers of daily civilian deaths in Iraq with the same pity he finds for African conflicts — rightfully points out in an August 10, 2007 column in the Washington Post, the problem is in choosing which plot, or as he says, which "mistake" to learn from. Unfortunately, he, like many of the activists who became inspired to act on Darfur after learning about Rwanda or seeing Hotel Rwanda, opts for Rwanda (in Gerson’s case over Somalia).

But just as not all bad things go together, nor do all good things. David Rieff has drawn out this fact in his June 24, 2007 op-ed in the Los Angeles Times discussing the clash of principles between human rights oriented groups who want solutions and humanitarian aid organizations who want to be able to continue delivering life-saving aid. What aggravates this basic difference in approaches, however, is an increasing difference between groups on the ground and those in the advocacy world about how to understand the situation in Darfur today.

Perhaps the story that has been most missed this summer is one Julie Flint has tried to tell. It is a story of Darfurians "saving" themselves. She reports: "In Ain Siro, Darfurians are putting their lives back together, with no help form the international community"¦ They are doing what they can to improve security, not waiting for the U.N. peacekeepers to come, if they ever do. There is change in Darfur. Why don’t we see it?" (Julie Flint, Darfur, Saving Itself, June 3, 2007; Washington Post). Why does the right example for understanding Darfur come from Rwanda? Why are examples from Sudanese history, let alone the details of how the conflict in Darfur is progressing, mere footnotes?

How one chooses which "mistakes" or precursors to learn from reveals what one believes is necessary to know in order to change the current crisis. Searching for catharsis, too many analysts have chased the most dramatic examples available. The tragedy then becomes truly Hegelian, when the desire to ring the alarm bells and stem violence comes into conflict with a willingness to pay attention to what is actually happening.

Previous Article

Sexual Violence and the Risk of HIV ...

Next Article

Deaths in Darfur: Keeping Ourselves Honest

admin

3 comments

  1. Alex de Waal 14 August, 2007 at 14:18

    Michael Gerson is both precisely wrong and contradictory when he writes that “the Darfur genocide is closer to Rwanda than Somalia. It requires the urgent establishment of security first.”

    Responding to Rwanda did not require the establishment of security first. It required the defeat of an organized military and paramilitary campaign of killing, which is what the Rwandese Patriotic Front achieved.

    Let us recall that Somalia’s war and humanitarian crisis were no less genocidal than Darfur’s. The 1988 destruction of Hargaisa by a combination of the Somali army, airforce and clan militia was a crime that was worse, in terms of loss of life and abuses against the population, than any single incident in Darfur. When that campaign was over, there was not a single building in Hargaisa with a roof and the city was completely abandoned. Destruction on only a slightly smaller scale accompanied the military campaigns in southern Somalia in 1990-92, including forcible starvation and the systematic ethnic cleansing of minorities from the Jubba valley, parts of the Shebelle valley and some towns. (See Catherine Besteman’s article in the SSRC webforum “How Genocides End.”)

    The aftermath of these military campaigns was a series of shattered societies, in which proxy militias turned on their former patrons, millions regrouped in displaced camps and cities, and there was a war of all against all. Because world opinion was only awakened when the humanitarian crisis reached famine proportions, the narrative was defined as anarchy and famine. But the causal factors are remarkably similar to those at work in Darfur.

    Each society is of course unique and the best parallels for Darfur are those closest to home, namely Chad, southern Sudan, Kordofan and of course Darfur’s own time of turmoil and bloodshed after the fall of the Sultanate in 1874. Somalia is closer but inexact.

    The Rwanda comparison misleads again and again. Enough of these simplistic parallels.

  2. Sam Rosmarin 14 August, 2007 at 16:57

    Posted on behalf of Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban

    Where were the genocide criers for the 22 years of civil war in southern Sudan? Then the issue was slavery and “bad Muslims oppressing good Christians,” also a misrepresentation of the facts on the ground. When there are lots of zeroes attached to casualty figures, and numbers fail to change despite reports of reduction in conflict levels, other motives might be suspected. The agendas by this time have become so varied that it is small wonder that the Darfuris themselves have been lost in the international political-humanitarian shuffle, and are taking their salvation in their own hands. Thanks to Julie Flint for this reporting. There are many Sudanese nationals who are assisting these humanitarian groups with local training and Arabic language translation who are likewise forgotten. Self-serving agendas need to be critically examined.

  3. Deborah Murphy 17 August, 2007 at 10:02

    I wrote a chapter of Alex de Waal’s book War in Darfur and the Search
    for Peace about media coverage of Darfur in 2004 in the U.S. Rwanda
    was by far the most frequent analogy for Darfur, for which little
    reason was offered other than that both were genocides, that the
    international community had failed to stop both, and that this failure
    was caused by a lack of political will. The war in southern Sudan was
    scarcely mentioned. The predominant narrative for Darfur implied that
    only the international community could end the conflict, by credibly
    threatening Khartoum.

    Coverage of Darfur has grown more nuanced since 2004, but I think
    overall there is not much change from the initial depiction of the
    conflict. It’s understandable that journalists and activists who want
    to change the policies of Western governments are attracted to a
    narrative that gives preeminence to those governments’ actions. But
    it can preclude the consideration of other solutions, and leaves
    little room to take into account the ways in which Darfur is distinct
    or how the conflict has changed over time.

    War in Darfur and the Search for Peace

Leave a reply Cancel reply

  • Politics

    Libya: Political, logistical and security problems challenge National Oil Company’s move to Benghazi – By John Hamilton

  • Politics

    R2P in Theory and Politics (1)

  • Politics

    Humanitarian Travesty in Darfur

The Africa Insiders Newsletter

Get the free edition of our exclusive look at this week’s most important developments on the continent.

Please wait...

Thank you for signing up!

  • 77214
    Followers

Interactive Elections Map

Keep up to date with all the African elections.

Most read

  • africa elections 2021

    Africa Elections 2021: All the upcoming votes

  • In Aksum, Tigrayan region of Ethiopia. Credit: Rod Waddington.

    As a Tigrayan, my bond with Ethiopia feels beyond repair

  • The police block opposition presidential candidate Bobi Wine in December 2020 during the Uganda presidential election campaign. Credit: HEBobiwine.

    Uganda: How donors can go beyond “strongly-worded statements”

  • Tunisians mark Martyrs' Day in Tunis on 9 April 2013 to demand justice for victims of the 2011 revolution. Credit: Magharebia.

    The Tunisian Revolution’s young dreams are unfulfilled but unforgotten

  • ANC Secretary-General Ace Magashule (third from left) at at the 40th commemoration of Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu. Credit: : GCIS. south africa corruption

    Down but not out: Corruption in South Africa and the arrest of ANC’s no. 2

Brought to you by


Creative Commons

Creative Commons Licence
Articles on African Arguments are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
  • Cookies
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms & Conditions
  • en English
    am Amharicar Arabicny Chichewazh-CN Chinese (Simplified)en Englishfr Frenchde Germanha Hausait Italianpt Portuguesest Sesothosn Shonaes Spanishsw Swahilixh Xhosayo Yorubazu Zulu
© Copyright African Arguments 2020
en English
am Amharicar Arabicny Chichewazh-CN Chinese (Simplified)en Englishfr Frenchde Germanha Hausait Italianpt Portuguesest Sesothosn Shonaes Spanishsw Swahilixh Xhosayo Yorubazu Zulu