An open call by African intellectuals for urgent action on Ethiopia
Dismayed at the deteriorating conflict in Ethiopia, scores of African intellectuals call for dialogue and mediation.
We write this letter as concerned African intellectuals on the continent and in the Diaspora. Many of us have dedicated our professional lives to understanding the causes and potential solutions to intra-and inter-African conflicts. We are appalled and dismayed by the steadily deteriorating situation in Ethiopia – so tragically illustrative of the continued lack of uptake of the abundant commentary produced by African intellectuals on how to resolve African conflicts.
We are deeply disturbed by the ongoing civil war in Ethiopia – which some refer to as a regionalised internal conflict, given Eritrea’s role within it. We note with dismay that protagonists to the conflict no longer include just the Tigray Defence Force (TDF) and the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) together with the special forces from Amhara, but now also include the Oromo Liberation Army on one side, and, on the other side, special forces from several other regions, as well as numerous conscripts. We note too, the advance of the TDF into Amhara and Afar regions, which, despite the TDF’s claims to be seeking to enable humanitarian and other supply access chains, is contributing to the expansion of the conflict across Ethiopia.
Ethiopia is of continental significance, not only for its record of successful resistance to European imperial expansionism, but also for its being the home of the African Union (AU), our inter-governmental institution whose lack of effective engagement on the situation in Ethiopia we also find deplorable. The AU, its member states – particularly Ethiopia’s neighbouring states – must not allow Ethiopia to dictate the terms of their engagement in seeking resolution to this conflict.
We condemn the fact that the conflict is affecting ever-increasing numbers of civilians – the deaths, the sexual violence, the refugee outflows, the documented hunger and unmet medical and psychosocial needs, the reports of widespread and targeted illegal detentions (especially because of ethnicity), the enforced disappearances and torture in captivity. We also condemn the destruction of hard-earned physical and metaphysical infrastructure across Tigray, as well as other regions of Ethiopia, including institutions of higher learning, houses of worship and cultural heritage. Ethiopia and its peoples have suffered enough. Ethiopia cannot afford any further destruction.
All Ethiopians must recognise that a political rather than military solution is what is now called for, regardless of the claims and counterclaims, legitimate and otherwise, as to how Ethiopia has come to this place. Retributive justice, including the seizure and counter-seizures of contested land, and the detention of family members of recently outlawed political groups heightens tensions, leading to generational cycles of violence.
Ethiopia is on the precipice; we must take action. We therefore call on:
- The Ethiopian government and the national regional government of Tigray to respond positively to the repeated calls for political dialogue, including with the affected and implicated groups in the Amhara and Oromia regions;
- The Ethiopian government and the national regional government of Tigray to make positive use, in such dialogue, of the numerous African intellectuals who have put forward their views on pathways out of conflict;
- Neighbouring countries to exercise maximum pressure on the Ethiopian government and the national regional government of Tigray to – under the framework of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the AU – submit to external mediation of this conflict;
- The IGAD and the AU to proactively take up their mandates with respect to providing mediation for the protagonists to this conflict – including providing all possible political support to the soon to be announced AU Special Envoy for the Horn;
- The rest of the international community to continue to support such IGAD and AU action with the carrots and sticks needed to get the protagonists and all other stakeholders to the table, keep them there and determine a political solution leading to more broad-based national dialogue on the future of the Ethiopian state.
We urge all Ethiopian leaders and civic groups to demonstrate the magnanimity and vision needed to reconstruct a country that has suffered far too long already. We call on any negotiated political settlement to include a process of public accountability for mass atrocities committed across Ethiopia. The history of the African state attests to the efficacy of an alternate path committed to truth, peace, justice and reconciliation.
Signed:
- Souleymane Bachir Diagne, Professor of French and Philosophy, Director of the Institute of African Studies, Columbia University
- Mamadou Diouf, Leitner Family Professor of African Studies, Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies, Columbia University
- Elleni Centime Zeleke, Assistant Professor, Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies, Columbia University
- Godwin Murunga, Executive Secretary, Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA)
- Boubacar Boris Diop, Award winning author of Murambi, The Book of Bones and many other novels, essays and journalistic works
- Achille Mbembe, Research Professor in History and Politics, Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of the Witwatersrand
- Jimi O Adesina, Professor and Chair in Social Policy, College of Graduate Studies, University of South Africa
- Ato Sekyi-Otu, Professor Emeritus, Department of Social Science and the Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought, York University
- Felwine Sarr, Anne-Marie Bryan Distinguished Professor of Romance Studies, Duke University
- Imraan Coovadia, Writer, essayist and novelist, Director of the creative writing programme, University of Cape Town
- Koulsy Lamko, Chadian playwright, poet, novelist and university lecturer
- Willy Mutunga, Former Chief Justice, Supreme Court of Kenya
- Maina Kiai, Former Chair, Kenya National Human Rights Commission, Former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association
- Rashida Manjoo, Professor Emeritus, Department of Public Law, University of Cape Town, Former UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women
- Siba N Grovogui, Professor of international relations theory and law, Africana Studies and Research Centre, Cornell University
- Nadia Nurhussein, Associate Professor of English and Africana Studies, Johns Hopkins University
- Martha Kuwee Kumsa, Professor of Social Work, Wilfrid Laurier University
- Mekonnen Firew Ayano, Associate Professor, SUNY Buffalo Law School
- Dagmawi Woubshet, Ahuja Family Presidential Associate Professor of English, University of Pennsylvania
- Awet T Weldemichael, Professor and Queen’s National Scholar, Queen’s University
- Abadir Ibrahim, Ethiopian Human Rights Activist and Lawyer
- Michael Woldemariam, Associate Professor of International Relations and Political Science, Director of the African Studies Center, Boston University
- Safia Aidid, Arts and Science Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of History, University of Toronto
- Abdoulaye Bathily, Professor of History, University Cheikh Anta Diop
- David Ndii, Kenyan Economist
- Siphokazi Magadla, Senior Lecturer in Political and International Studies, Rhodes University
- Fred Hendricks, Emeritus Professor, Faculty of Humanities, Rhodes University
- Pablo Idahosa, Professor of African Studies and International Development Studies, York University
- Ibrahim Abdullah, Department of History and African Studies, Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone
- Seye Abimbola, Senior Lecturer, School of Public Health, University of Sydney
- Makau Mutua, SUNY Distinguished Professor, SUNY Buffalo Law School
- Salim Vally, Professor, Faculty of Education, University of Johannesburg, Director, Centre for Education Rights and Transformation
- Muthoni Wanyeki, Kenya Political Scientist
- Dominic Brown, Activist and Economic Justice Programme Manager, Alternative Information and Documentation Centre
- Michael Neocosmos, Emeritus Professor in Humanities, Rhodes University
- Zubairu Wai, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Department of Global Development Studies, University of Toronto
- Alden Young, Assistant Professor, African American Studies, University of California
- Benjamin Talton, Professor of History, Department of History, Temple University
- G Ugo Nwokeji, Associate Professor of African History and African Diaspora Studies, Department of African-American Studies, University of California
- Lionel Zevounou, Associate Professor of Public Law, University of Paris Nanterre
- Amy Niang, Professeur associé, L’Université Mohammed VI Polytechnique
- Sean Jacobs, Associate Professor of International Affairs, Julien J Studley Graduate Programmes in International Affairs, The New School, Founder and Editor of Africa is a Country
- Abosede George, Associate Professor of African History, Barnard College
- Dr Abdourahmane Seck, Senior Lecturer, Université Gaston Berger
- Nimi Hoffmann, Lecturer, Centre for International Education, University of Sussex, Research Associate, Centre for International Teacher Education, Cape Peninsula University of Technology
- Maria Paula Meneses, Vice-Presidente, Conselho Científico do CES, Centro de Estudos Sociais, Universidade de Coimbra
- Ibrahima Drame, Director of Education, Henry George School of Social Science
- Cesaltina Abreu, Co-Director, Laboratory of Social Sciences and Humanities, Angolan Catholic University
- Lina Benabdallah, Assistant Professor of Politics,Wake Forest University
- Oumar Ba, Assistant Professor of International Relations, Department of Government, Cornell University
- Samar Al-Bulushi, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of California
- Nisrin Elamin, Assistant Professor of International Studies, Bryn Mawr College
- Marie-Jolie Rwigema, Incoming Assistant Professor, Applied Human Sciences, Concordia University
- Eddie Cottle, Postdoctoral Fellow, Society, Work and Politics Institute, University of the Witwatersrand
- Amira Ahmed, School of Humanities and Social Science, American University of Cairo, Convenors’ Forum of The C19 People’s Coalition
- Ibrahim Abdullah, Department of History and African Studies, Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone
- Jok Madut Jok, Professor of Anthropology, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University
- Ebrima Sall, Director, Trust Africa
We stand in solidarity with all Ethiopian intellectuals in-country who want to speak out against the war but feel unable to do so due to fear of retaliation.
[…] Source link : https://africanarguments.org/2021/08/an-open-call-by-african-intellectuals-for-urgent-… Author : Various co-signatories Publish date : 2021-08-26 21:00:57 Copyright for syndicated content belongs to the linked Source. Tags: actionAfricancallEthiopiaIntellectualsopenUrgent ADVERTISEMENT Previous Post […]
This good initiation i have been calling that since the war start between ENDF and TPLF AU and IGAD should make there priority duty to solve this isue at least try and never tried but their effort is too slow, as africa intellectual i hope this call will be fruitful.
It seems you all don’t have the correct information on what is going on in Ethiopia at the moment.
Ethiopians have never been united – in its history like we are now – against their main enemy terrorist TPLF and its backers.
“Ethiopia is on the precipice” is a very wrong description of Ethiopia. Ethiopia is rising and continue to be beacon of Africa. Once Ethiopia gets rid of the terrorist TPLF, all Africans will be really free from western colonization!
[…] (African Arguments) — We write this letter as concerned African intellectuals on the continent and in the Diaspora. Many of us have dedicated our professional lives to understanding the causes and potential solutions to intra-and inter-African conflicts. We are appalled and dismayed by the steadily deteriorating situation in Ethiopia – so tragically illustrative of the continued lack of uptake of the abundant commentary produced by African intellectuals on how to resolve African conflicts. […]
[…] African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Credit: Albert González […]
“steadily deteriorating situation in Ethiopia”? It is very clear that you believed and depend on the fake news distributed by major media outlets (well paid agents of terrorist TPLF and its backers). You need to come to Ethiopia and talk to people and decide for yourselves. Ethiopian are united to eliminate the terrorist TPLF once and for all. East Africa and the whole Africa will be free soon.
[…] An open call by African intellectuals for urgent action on Ethiopia African Arguments […]
[…] An open call by African intellectuals for urgent action on Ethiopia African Arguments […]
[…] An open call by African intellectuals for urgent action on Ethiopia African Arguments […]
SHAME on the so-called “African intellectuals” even you don’t know Tigray region is one of the regions in Ethiopia. Because you write TDF Tigray defense force and I tell you that there is one defense force in Ethiopia ENDF, TPLF is a terrorist group using young fighters. And who is the regional government of Tigray? Do you know that the Transitional Government of Tigray is in Addis Ababa and working with the government while the terrorist TPLF is damaging Amhara, Afar, and Tigray regions? Do you know well Ethiopian and East African politics? ASK YOURSELf before becoming a weapon for westerns.
Martha Bisrat
Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia
[…] An open call by African intellectuals for urgent action on Ethiopia African Arguments […]
First, you have to avoid the word Tigray Defence Force. Because we Ethiopians have only one Defence force which we call Ethiopian Defence Force. Secondly, if you want to use the TDF why don’t you use the word Amhara Defence Force at the same time? and thirdly, I see some Tigray intellectuals who are initiating you to write the letter. This means you are not writing the letter by wanting the war to stop. You see, this is because you don’t know what’s is going on in Ethiopia. As an Intellectual first you have to see and observe the situation happening here in the uncolonized Ethiopia. This is a war between Ethiopia and the terrorist group. Not between Ethiopians.
WOW!! You don’t know what’s going on in Ethiopia. All of you are victims of fake news.
Good idea but ignore the IGAD and AU which they were slept over the last 10 months and they are not neutral.
[…] 2021 26 The African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Credit:… Source link The HERU Interface of Black […]
Unfortunate to read that so much brain power is not able to clearly understand what is happening on the ground. At least you guys should have tried to get first hand info before you deliver onesideed point of view. Get your facts right first and then you can propose a viable solution. For your information Ethiopia will prevail and come out of this better than ever.
Tell this to Nigeria, Somalia and USA to negotiate with Boko Harm ,Alshebab and Taliban. Come back to Ethiopia when they agree in ur super mind proposal.
Tell this to Nigeria, Somalia and USA to negotiate with Boko Harm ,Alshebab and Taliban. Come back to Ethiopia when they agree in ur super mind proposal…
What? Telling Ethiopians to negotiate eith terrorist TPLF. Zip ur mouth.
Wow, it seems that you have been misinformed about what is going on in Ethiopia. Nobody wants war, but peace. As an Ethiopian scholar, i would be the one who promots such a negotiation between TPLF and Ethiopian government If i believe the negotiation would result in peace. Unfortunately, that is not the case. I am afraid bringing TPLF back to life in the name of negotiation is the same as giving another chance for TPLF to finish its mission of disintegrating Ethiopia.
Intellectuals my ass they are simply sellout HN how forgot their roots adn problems Africa Faces cos simply they live for their belly adn pockets noting much nothing less, expect for few, African intellectuals are the CURSE for AFRICA!!!
Once again Alex dewaal came up with another heinous agenda to undermine Ethiopia and advance TPLF interest. At the first glance the open letter looks genuine and well intentioned.
We Ethiopians know Alex Dewaal’s dedication to the TPLF and his ill motive. Disguising himself as a regional expert he promoted war in Ethiopia,Sudan,Somalia,Eritrea and other countries. In the last nine months alone Alex has written more than 19 articles on the Tigray conflict,openly advocating for the TPLF. It is not an exaggeration to say that Alex Dewaal led all misinformation campaigns on the world arena. Inorder to advance his pro-TPLF agenda he use different covers such us World Peace Foundation, African arguments, BBC africa and others channels. Simply because Alex Dewaal involvement and discredit personality this initiative doomed to fail.
Those who can, do;
Those who can’t, teach;
Those who fear, probably fear for their ill-gotten gains which have financed their current ‘diaspora’ status
[…] geen verdere verwoesting veroorloven”, schrijven de academici in een oproep op de website African Arguments. Ze zijn bang dat het conflict zich steeds verder uitbreidt. De oproep is onder meer ondertekend […]
[…] geen verdere verwoesting veroorloven”, schrijven de academici in een oproep op de website African Arguments. Ze zijn bang dat het conflict zich steeds verder uitbreidt. De oproep is onder meer ondertekend […]
[…] cannot afford further devastation,” the academics write in an appeal on the website African Arguments. They fear that the conflict will spread further and further. The call has been signed by […]
አብዛኞቹ የ “ኢትዮጵያ ” ልሂቃን መቀበል ያቃታቸው ዕውነት ፣ ያሉት የተወሳሰቡ ችግሮች በጦርነቶች ሊፈቱ አለመቻላቸውን ነው። ሊሂቃኑና በሥልጣን ላይ አገዛዝ ፣ የዕርቅና ሰላም የሆነውን መንገድ ከመውሰድ ይልቅ ፣. የመረጡት አውዳሚ የሆነውን ” ጠላቶቻችንን” እንደመስሳለን ፣ ከስራቸው መንግለን እናጠፋለን የሚል የዘር ማጥፋት (genocidal ) መንገድ ነው።
በአሁኑ ሰዓት እጅግ አሳሳቢና አደገኛ የሆነውን የኢትዮጵያን ሁኔታዎች በመገንዘብ ፣ የአፍሪካ ልሂቃን ያቀረቡትን የዕርቅና የሰላም መንገድ መደገፍ ፣ በሁሉም የሰላም ወዳጆች በሆኑ ኃይሎች ሁሉ መበረታታት ያለበት ሀሳብ ነው።
[…] geen verdere verwoesting veroorloven”, schrijven de academici in een oproep op de website African Arguments. Ze zijn bang dat het conflict zich steeds verder uitbreidt. De oproep is onder meer ondertekend […]
[…] mehr Zerstörung leisten”, schrieben die Wissenschaftler in einem Appell auf der Website. Afrikanische Argumente. Sie befürchten, dass sich der Konflikt immer weiter ausdehnt. Die Einladung wurde unter anderem […]
Such a general call to stop this armed conflict is fine, of course. The human toll is appalling, the material destruction great and the damage done to Ethiopia’s social fabric very worrying. And Ethiopia is indeed of continental significance, symbolically and politically.
This appeal, however, is partly the victim of biased Western media (mis)reporting and scheming by unreliable pro-TPLF circles and enemy foreign parties.
Here are some comments, prompted by the mistakes and errors of judgement in the Open Call:
1. There is no ‘TDF’: they may now call themselves like that but there is only the militia of the TPLF, the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front. There is no independent Tigrai state and hence no ‘TDF’: no entity like this was ever formed in a legal manner. TPLF (the former ruling regime in Ethiopia before February 2018, dominating the EPRDF party), has done untold damage to Ethiopia and in the past 2,5 years to Tigrai, ‘their own’ region. In 1991-2018 it installed a vicious politics of ethnicity ‘unique’ in Africa that has posited all so-called ethnic groups against each other, across the country. If the signatories suggest that TPLF is a credible partner for negotiation then they are wrong. Why? Because of its appalling record: a) before they were inched out of power (non-violently) in March 2018, when Dr. Abiy Ahmed was elected within the ruling EPRDF party as leader and new PM, their 27-year rule in Ethiopia made them exceedingly unpopular in the country, and b) because of its inhuman, exceptionally cruel violence in the night of 4 November 2020 – killing thousands of federal army soldiers in their sleep and when they woke up, and the theft of federal army equipment. This treason was unprecedented, and made the TPLF totally unreliable and unacceptable. They are not capable of negotiations in good faith. Remember the year-long efforts of PM Abiy Ahmed before November 2020, to amicably settle outstanding differences between the Tigrai Regional State and the federal government (and many other civil society groups): ALL rebuffed by TPLF leadership.
2. The war was and is perpetuated by the TPLF. The ENDF showed restraint. The unilateral ceasefire declared on 28 June was meant to give breathing space to civilians, let more aid in, allow Tigrai farmers to plant crops, and give the TPLF occasion to rethink what they were doing and come up with proposals forward. Instead, the TPLF refused on all counts and intensified the war outside Tigrai, killing, torturing, and maiming hundreds if not thousands of civilians in the process. There are even eyewitness accounts that dozens of people in Afar and Amhara regions were killed with lethal injections.
3. A second defining event after 4 November attack was the 9 November 2020 mass-killing in Mai Kadra town in the Wolqait-Kafta Humera region, an annexed part of Amhara Region in post 1991 Tigrai. As we now know, over 1500 civilians (largely of Amhara background) were literally slaughtered, with knives, machete and clubs, others shot: men, women, children and elderly. This was not a military battle. Culprits were TPLF militia and youth group members (‘Samri’). A few days later they fled to Sudan, where they spread under the ca. 60,000 Tigrai refugees. How to ‘understand’ or negotiate with people (TPLF) who are to this day show no remorse whatsoever of this massacre?
4. Eritrean troops: I still don’t understand why Eritrea had no right to assist the Ethiopian federal forces in this TPLF-initiated war. What law or statecraft tradition forbids a country from assisting another, notably when there are indications that self-defence was involved? Eritrea waited until TPLF forces fired missiles to Asmara before it really entered the war. That the Eritrean forces have gone too far in their actions and may have committed serious abuses is something else – but of course to be condemned. But that alone is not sufficient to say ‘All Eritrean troops should leave’. And as said before in various sources, probably Eritrean military action in Humera town (on the Sudan border) in early November last year prevented the TPLF to perpetrate another targeted mass killing of civilians.
5. The Open Call speaks of a ‘national regional government of Tigrai’. But there is no really functional or recognized ‘national regional government of Tigrai’ that could act on behalf of the Region, let alone in name of the Tigrai people.
6. The remarks in the Call on “targeted illegal detentions (especially because of ethnicity), the enforced disappearances and torture in captivity” – one is not sure what this does refer to. If it is based on news messages in the global (Western) media and Al Jazeera, then one should be cautious. People have been arrested, but on the basis of suspected crimes.
7. The “… destruction of hard-earned physical and metaphysical infrastructure across Tigray”, e.g., the ICT and power supply structures – is, unfortunately, largely the work of the TPLF. Time and again, the Ethio-Telecom and others restored the damage, again to be destroyed by TPLF units.
8. Ultimately, of course a political solution is called for. Tigrai is a quintessential part of the historical Ethiopia. What is the way forward now? Difficult to see. TPLF doesn’t like a political solution. Listen to the statements of their second-rate ‘leaders’ and ghost-writers. TPLF thought it could reconquer Addis Ababa militarily. That was their ‘solution’. It chose the violent way, and still does so now. And then in the form of ‘scorched-earth’ tactics: attack, kill civilians and destroy infrastructure, loot property, kill livestock, burn crops, and then retreat. Also, via intimidation by mass killing, like the shelling of a building with IDPs and children in Galicoma, Afar Region, with over 300 people killed: many children, all non-combatants. Such ‘feats’ were not recorded on the side the Ethiopian federal army.
9. A serious problem preventing real negotiations is that the ordinary people of Tigrai – the child soldiers, the victims of TPLF rule, the parents forced to give their children to the TPLF army and who have to hand over international food-aid rations to the TPLF troops – to voice their concerns. They are not allowed to speak freely and give their view on the ways forward. If they did, they would be victim of Taliban-like retaliation by TPLF cadres.
10. Foreign interference and pressure, especially of the biased and incompetent USA and EU foreign policy-makers, is to be discouraged. The EU freezing of promised aid funding and US sanctions and threats to remove Ethiopia as eligible to the the AGOA would be devious and counter-productive. The initiatives toward a solution must rather come from the AU, and possibly neighbours like Sudan (if they stop listening to Egypt), or Kenya, or even South Sudan. Egypt can be no partner because it is systematically sabotaging Ethiopia on account of the GERD Blue Nile dam and it has been selling arms to TPLF as well as training their forces in the Sudanese refugee camps. So much for African solidarity.. IGAD doesn’t seem to be a serious candidate either.
11. Imperative upon all those concerned about this conflict is dismantling or ignoring the wave of pro-TPLF propaganda and misinformation that comes to us daily, including from so-called ‘reputable’ news outlets like BBC, Washington Post, New York Times, etc.: appalling superficiality and even purposeful misinformation. They are served by active and well-financed pro-TPLF media and cyber-mafia, by ‘lobbying’ firms (in the US), and by former academics who incomprehensibly back the TPLF, thus betraying academic principles (I thought) of honesty, fairness and looking at the evidence. One day, the story of this will be told in detail.
12. The idea of a ‘national dialogue’ in Ethiopia sounds so nice but is a fake one, launched by some less-informed observers and by some Ethiopian opposition parties that feared being side-lined, and some of whose leaders have been active in fomenting violence. There were elections in June this year, remember? PM Abiy Ahmed’s ruling Prosperity Party received a big mandate. Yes, there were many problems, but these still were serious elections. The results provided the basis for a new political compact (a 2nd round in some remaining constituencies will be held on 6 September). Extra-parliamentary manoeuvring to get representation and invite sabotaging parties like the remnants of TPLF to a ‘national dialogue’ is incorrect, if not devious. It is a deflection of the political process. It is also forgotten that there is already a ‘Joint Council of Political Parties’ in Ethiopia, a forum that regularly consults with the government.
13. In short, a call to peace is fine and needed. But it is perhaps too early and ways forward are difficult to see. TPLF will never accept it. They have posed ridiculous preconditions. They will continue wreaking destruction and go on killing civilians and destroying infrastructure and property in northern Ethiopia. There is an element of deep hatred in their activities. So they are not really a party in any ‘negotiation’. The Tigrai Region’s ordinary people may think otherwise, but we can’t hear them. Other ways have to be found by the Tigrayan people to mediate/negotiate. The Ethiopian people (including its academics, few of whom will ever sign the Open Call of the concerned African intellectuals), are in large majority behind PM Abiy Ahmed. It would be paradoxical and sad to see African intellectuals become unwitting tools of Western misconceptions and misguided policy machinations. The Ethiopia federal government is not without its mistakes and failings, but in this tragic case of the Tigrai conflict needs (critical) support. Many Tigrayans in the rest of Ethiopia are also opposed to the TPLF. Some serve in the federal government, some in the armed forces, and others in all kinds of institutions and walks of life. It is not something ‘ethnic’. Among the TPLF we don’t SEE any positive traits right now. Because of their choice for death and destruction, the TPLF is destined to decline. Their expiry date is long overdue.
[…] Source: African Arguments […]
[…] cannot afford further devastation,” the academics wrote in an appeal on the website African Arguments. They fear that the conflict will spread further and further. The call has been signed by […]
This is a typical letter written by the Terrorist TPLF Junta or its agent from the Diaspora.
I as an African intellectual obviously support peaceful solution for African conflicts. No one with healthy mind opposes political solutions for current Ethiopian problem. However, with whom that the Ethiopian government can make a deal? is it with a terrorist organization like the TPLF? Is there anything called “the national government of Tigray” as this call claims? Is there anything called “TDF” except the self-proclaimed TPLF calls itself? This rebel group was once the government of Ethiopia that divided the Ethiopian people along ethnic identity and brought unspeakable problems than peace. It is this same terrorist group that backstab the Ethiopian Defence Force and brought this whole chaos after being removed from power by popular protest. Even after this whole damage the Ethiopian government declared a unilateral ceasefire to give the Tigray people a chance to plant crops during this Ethiopian harvesting season. It however is used as an opportunity for the terroris TPLF Junta to attack and invade neighboring Amhara and Afar regions to bring about more damage on the people.
With all these problems, how can a legitimate government of Ethiopia make negotiations. TPLF is a terrorist group like al- Shabab, Boko Haram, al-Qaeda or IsIs. How can one make negotiation with a terrorist group? I doubt that this “open call for action on Ethiopia” is not prepared by genuine African intellectuals that concern for African problems. Am sorry to use this word but this is a professional prostitution” to sell out one’s academic integrity for a certsin material or immaterial gains. This letter is completely misleading those African intellectuals and the whole international community. I hope those who already signed it will rethink again and those who are not sure about to sign or not please dig out the reality before your final decision.
Completely misleading
Get your facts straight first before mumbling in the name if intellectuals. You sound like bunch of messengers sent out by TPLF terrorist to hoodwink the world. Useless bunch!! Ethiopia will prevail.
[…] dozens of African scholars and activists around the world took the unusual step of publishing an open letter calling for a negotiated […]
[…] dozens of African scholars and activists around the world took the unusual step of publishing an open letter calling for a negotiated […]
[…] This circular letter highlights the problematics of the investigation on human rights abuses in Tigray (section 1). Further, of course, there is famine in Tigray – we also discuss how the farmers try to avoid a second failed harvest due to the war (section 2). Section 3 is then about the situation of the universities in Tigray and Amhara regions. A turn of events makes that several crucial documents were leaked over the last month (section 4), that all contribute shedding lights on the near-absence of firm reactions by the international community when it comes to the war in Tigray. We conclude with the announcement of a new book on revolutionary struggles and gender norms in Tigray (section 5), an overview of media articles (section 6) and some opinion pieces, starting with the open call by African intellectuals for urgent action on Ethiopia (section 7). […]
[…] dozens of African scholars and activists around the world took the unusual step of publishing an open letter calling for a negotiated […]
[…] dozens of African scholars and activists around the world took the unusual step of publishing an open letter calling for a negotiated […]
[…] Initiative (GESI), have read with interest and disappointment the recent statement issued by concerned African intellectuals with reference to the conflict in the […]
THANK YOU for speaking out and calling for a sane and a reasonable way out of the current quagmire and madness. Even the so-called Ethiopian intellectuals have totally lost it and have joined the war mongers g on all sides of the conflict, usually forgetting this is nothing more than an inter-party conflict that has gone off the rails. Also important that you called out your support for all intellectuals who are silenced in Ethiopia (whether under the Abiy or extremist Amhara leaders or the deranged TPLF) for fear of retribution. Continue to make some noise and some good trouble!
This latter shows that the TPLF’s propaganda machine at its best. There is no ground to compare the terrorist organization (TPLF) with the legitimate Ethiopian Government. The whole world knew that TPLF terrorized the Ethiopian people almost 3 decades before its removal from power by popular uprising. Where was the so called “African intellectuals” during the TPLF’s regime that terrorized Ethiopia so long. The latter is so misleading it seems like written by western media outlets rather than a group of intellectuals. Because a true intellectual based on his/her argument on the facts that are happening on the ground not based on remote information propagated by the criminal TPLF representatives. Now, Ethiopians are coming together more than ever to defend Ethiopia from the evil of TPLF. Ethiopia will prevail!!!
………………………………HOW???
1. How dere you propose “Neighbouring countries to exercise maximum pressure on the Ethiopian government”? That is why the Sudanese military took our land and loot our farmer’s properties following the TPLF´s attack on the northern command of ENDF?
2. How do you label a terrorist group as a defense force-TDF?
3. How does a legitimate government negotiate with a terrorist group?
4. How do you forget the genocides of Mai-Kadra, Agamsa and Galikoma etc.?
and how………………………………..you need to know the root causes. The solution should be from the ETHIOPIAN PEOPLE, not from you and external forces.
Anyway, I can see from your names and institutions that this is actually a “letter” from TPLF supporters in the diaspora and their allies.