African Arguments

Top Menu

  • About Us
    • Our philosophy
  • Write for us
  • Contact us
  • Advertise
  • Newsletter
  • RSS feed
  • Donate
  • Fellowship

Main Menu

  • Home
  • Country
    • Central
      • Cameroon
      • Central African Republic
      • Chad
      • Congo-Brazzaville
      • Congo-Kinshasa
      • Equatorial Guinea
      • Gabon
    • East
      • Burundi
      • Comoros
      • Dijbouti
      • Eritrea
      • Ethiopia
      • Kenya
      • Rwanda
      • Seychelles
      • Somalia
      • Somaliland
      • South Sudan
      • Sudan
      • Tanzania
      • Uganda
      • Red Sea
    • North
      • Algeria
      • Egypt
      • Libya
      • Morocco
      • Tunisia
      • Western Sahara
    • Southern
      • Angola
      • Botswana
      • eSwatini
      • Lesotho
      • Madagascar
      • Malawi
      • Mauritius
      • Mozambique
      • Namibia
      • South Africa
      • Zambia
      • Zimbabwe
    • West
      • Benin
      • Burkina Faso
      • Cape Verde
      • Côte d’Ivoire
      • The Gambia
      • Ghana
      • Guinea
      • Guinea Bissau
      • Liberia
      • Mali
      • Mauritania
      • Niger
      • Nigeria
      • São Tomé and Príncipe
      • Senegal
      • Sierra Leone
      • Togo
  • Climate
  • Politics
    • Elections Map
  • Economy
  • Society
  • Culture
  • Specials
    • From the fellows
    • Radical Activism in Africa
    • On Food Security & COVID19
    • Think African [Podcast]
    • #EndSARS
    • Into Africa [Podcast]
    • Covid-19
    • Travelling While African
    • From the wit-hole countries…
    • Living in Translation
    • Africa Science Focus [Podcast]
    • Red Sea
    • Beautiful Game
  • Debating Ideas
  • About Us
    • Our philosophy
  • Write for us
  • Contact us
  • Advertise
  • Newsletter
  • RSS feed
  • Donate
  • Fellowship

logo

African Arguments

  • Home
  • Country
    • Central
      • Cameroon
      • Central African Republic
      • Chad
      • Congo-Brazzaville
      • Congo-Kinshasa
      • Equatorial Guinea
      • Gabon
    • East
      • Burundi
      • Comoros
      • Dijbouti
      • Eritrea
      • Ethiopia
      • Kenya
      • Rwanda
      • Seychelles
      • Somalia
      • Somaliland
      • South Sudan
      • Sudan
      • Tanzania
      • Uganda
      • Red Sea
    • North
      • Algeria
      • Egypt
      • Libya
      • Morocco
      • Tunisia
      • Western Sahara
    • Southern
      • Angola
      • Botswana
      • eSwatini
      • Lesotho
      • Madagascar
      • Malawi
      • Mauritius
      • Mozambique
      • Namibia
      • South Africa
      • Zambia
      • Zimbabwe
    • West
      • Benin
      • Burkina Faso
      • Cape Verde
      • Côte d’Ivoire
      • The Gambia
      • Ghana
      • Guinea
      • Guinea Bissau
      • Liberia
      • Mali
      • Mauritania
      • Niger
      • Nigeria
      • São Tomé and Príncipe
      • Senegal
      • Sierra Leone
      • Togo
  • Climate
  • Politics
    • Elections Map
  • Economy
  • Society
  • Culture
  • Specials
    • From the fellows
    • Radical Activism in Africa
    • On Food Security & COVID19
    • Think African [Podcast]
    • #EndSARS
    • Into Africa [Podcast]
    • Covid-19
    • Travelling While African
    • From the wit-hole countries…
    • Living in Translation
    • Africa Science Focus [Podcast]
    • Red Sea
    • Beautiful Game
  • Debating Ideas
SocietyUganda
Home›African Arguments›Society›Uganda’s notorious police chief leaves behind a grim legacy

Uganda’s notorious police chief leaves behind a grim legacy

By Leighann Spencer
March 19, 2018
6331
1
Kale Kayihura had been Inspector General of Police since 2005 before he was dismissed earlier this month.

Under Kale Kayihura’s 13-year tenure, the police committed widespread and systematic abuses. Many would now like to see him prosecuted.

Kale Kayihura had been Inspector General of Police since 2005 before he was dismissed earlier this month.

Kale Kayihura had been Inspector General of Police since 2005 before he was dismissed earlier this month.

Last week, Uganda experienced a senior changing of the guard as Kale Kayihura was officially replaced as Inspector General of Police. The prominent figure had been head of the Uganda Police Force for over 12 years, and his contract had been renewed for another three years less than a year ago. But in a surprising move earlier this month, he was abruptly dismissed by President Yoweri Museveni.

Given his long-standing closeness to the president, Kayihura’s removal has raised several questions. Speculation as to why he was let go includes the former police chief’s rivalry with Minister of Security Henry Tumukunde, who was also sacked, and his questionable relationship with Rwandan operatives.

Whatever the reasons, however, one thing that is clear is that Kayihura’s tenure was mired in controversy. As Uganda’s first Inspector General of Police after the restoration of multi-party politics in 2005, he became known as a brutal suppressor of the opposition and the head of a Force which became increasingly politicised.

Brutality, torture, intimidation

Although Kayihura improved the Uganda Police Force in terms of recruitment, training, and its budget allowance, other initiatives were less positive.

A prime example is the “Crime Preventers” community policing programme, which led to pro-state vigilantism. Human rights organisations have condemned the group’s violence, extortion, and lack of regulation or accountability. Clearly aligned with the ruling National Resistance Movement, members of the Crime Preventers have intimidated opposition members and their supporters.

The Kiboko Squad, notorious for their use of sticks to disperse protesters, are allegedly an offshoot of the Crime Preventers. They have certainly been linked to the police, and Museveni has openly praised them.

Furthermore, Kayihura’s tenure has been characterised by widespread allegations of harassment, brutality and torture by police officers themselves. Between 2012 and 2016, the Ugandan Human Rights Commission received over 1,000 allegations of torture related to the police. The African Centre for Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture Victims received almost double this in same period.

Kayihura showed little willingness to address this problem. For instance, when the torture of suspects at Nalufenya police station, including that of the Mayor of Kamwenge, went viral in early-2017, the police chief failed to directly address the issue.

According to the Centre for Constitutional Governance, opposition members and supporters have been the most common victims of police brutality in Uganda. Indeed, investigations by the likes of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch found use of excessive police force to disperse opposition gatherings in the lead up to the 2006, 2011, and 2016 presidential elections as well as numerous unlawful arrests and torture.

Likewise, demonstrations against the controversial age limit removal bill – which passed in December 2017 and allows Museveni to potentially hold power until 2034 – saw several instances of excessive force resulting in injuries and death. Even the Mayor of Kampala was arrested on suspicion that he was headed to protest the bill.

Journalists were also targeted, not for the first time under Kayihura. In 2016 alone, the Human Rights Network of Journalists Uganda (HRNJ-U) reported 83 violations against reporters committed by the police. Journalists have been denied access to news scenes, had their gadgets damaged, been threatened or attacked, unfairly arrested and detained, and even abducted.

These practices  escalated under Kayihura’s tenure. The police attempted to justify brutality with reference to the Public Order Management Act, passed in 2013. Meanwhile, when officers were caught in the act of human rights abuses, Kayihura shifted the blame to the journalists covering it. HRNJ-U rightly called this intimidation.

Holding Kayihura accountable

Over the years, there have been some attempts to bring Kayihura and his Police Force to justice. In July 2016, court summons were issued for criminal proceedings against the inspector general and seven other senior police officers. These regarded brutality and torture of supporters of opposition leader Kizza Besigye.

Both governing and opposition MPs had condemned the police’s actions on this front, but Kayihura praised them and Museveni supported him throughout. The court hearing on the matter was due to be held in August 2016, but the accused never showed up and the case ended up being halted by the Deputy Chief Justice.

Now, following Kayihura’s dismissal, fresh attempts at justice are underway. Most notably, an application has been filed with the International Criminal Court against Kayihura and 16 other senior officers for crimes against humanity. The charges relate to the forceful deportation of Rwandans between 2010 and 2017, with accusations including murder, torture, enforced disappearances, and forceful transfer of a population. It is alleged that police officers were offered $5,000 for each individual repatriated and that Rwandans who resisted were executed. In addition, HRNJ-U has stated its intention to take Kayihura to court for the persistent mistreatment and harassment of journalists under his tenure.

These charges, if successful, would set an important precedent in fighting police abuses and impunity in Uganda. The takeover of the inspector general position by Martin Okoth Ochola further provides an opportunity for reform. The Crime Preventers’ future has already been marked for deliberation, with the police spokesperson announcing that Ochola may dissolve the initiative or pass a regulation policy. Ochala has also promised to clean up the police’s image and has been known for his discipline and calls against corruption.

However, with Museveni set to continue his rule, the restrictive Public Order Management Act still in place, and the likelihood that brutality and impunity has become ingrained in the force, it is yet to be seen whether Ochala can bring significant change. But one thing can be certain – Kayihura has left a lasting, although infamous, legacy.

Previous Article

Tillerson didn’t do much for Africa. Pompeo ...

Next Article

The Insiders’ Newsletter #2 [free preview]

Leighann Spencer

Leighann Spencer is a PhD Candidate in Criminology, Charles Sturt University.

1 comment

  1. DAN 20 March, 2018 at 15:06

    Kayihura should be taken to the International court and face all the charges.

Leave a reply

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

  • Politics

    Darfur: Why is the Doha Process Failing? Who is Responsible? (I)

  • Politics

    Alex profiled in Nov. 08 Harper’s

  • Politics

    Self-Protection versus Helping Survivors

Subscribe to our weekly newsletter


  • 81.7K+
    Followers

Find us on Facebook

Interactive Elections Map

Keep up to date with all the African elections.

Recent Posts

  • The two defining challenges facing South Africa
  • ‘Don’t Agonize, Organize!’ Remembering Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem’s Advocacy on Sudan
  • Four actions vulnerable countries need from COP28
  • Afrobeats: The birth of Afro-Adura
  • Sudan: How the generals disappeared the people on the way to the economy

Editor’s Picks

CameroonEditor's PicksPolitics

Liberté, Egalité, Impunité

Cameroon’s courting of Russian support has left France on the back foot.  Emmanuel Macron landed in Cameroon last month as the first French president in a decade fighting for his ...
  • Fans at the ChillSpot tenth anniversary celebration. Credit: Kennedy Nyavaya.

    “Zimdancehall is dead”: Critics say ghetto sound was sold for a song

    By Kennedy Nyavaya
    July 21, 2022
  • Poster of the legendary Thomas Mapfumo/Oliver Mtukudzi concerts in 2013. Image courtesy: Diana Jeater.

    Why ZANU-PF still can’t dance to chimurenga music

    By Mwai Daka
    April 19, 2023
  • View of Lake Kivu at Bukavu, South Kivu, DRC. Photo courtesy: MONUSCO/Abel Kavanagh

    Lines through the lake: Why the Congo-Rwanda border can’t be redrawn

    By Gillian Mathys
    May 2, 2023
  • african films

    Best of the 2010s: African films

    By Wilfred Okiche
    December 20, 2019

Brought to you by


Creative Commons

Creative Commons Licence
Articles on African Arguments are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
  • Cookies
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms & Conditions
© Copyright African Arguments 2020
By continuing to browse this site, you agree to our use of cookies.